«النفاق الباريسي».. هل تُغطي فرنسا على تجسسها بمهاجمة المغرب؟

The files of digital espionage and cross-border intelligence conflict have returned to dominate the media and diplomatic scene, following the release of a massive report by Amnesty International accusing the Moroccan authorities of managing a "comprehensive surveillance system." The report alleged the use of electronic breaches and field espionage against human rights activists and journalists.

In contrast, Moroccan media and political parties launched a counter-editorial attack, refuting these allegations and describing them as "Parisian hypocrisy" and a worn-out record aimed at disrupting the diplomatic achievements of Rabat, while highlighting the involvement of European countries (most notably France) in developing and disseminating more aggressive spyware.

Accusations of "Technological Authoritarianism"

Amnesty International published an extensive investigative report spanning 126 pages titled: "We Begin with Governance: At the Heart of the Moroccan Surveillance System." The human rights organization considered that Morocco has adopted "technological authoritarian practices" to instill fear and silence journalists and activists both inside and outside the country.

The organization based a significant part of its data on the testimony of a former Moroccan security source in the "General Directorate for Territorial Surveillance" (DGST), who was given the pseudonym "Ambassador." His testimony included allegations of planting hidden encrypted cameras and wireless microphones inside air conditioning and lighting devices in the homes of targets, their cars, offices, detention places, and cafes. He also claimed collusion with second-hand phone shops to sell devices that had been implanted with pre-installed spyware, and the physical planting of remote control software (RCS) in internet café computers, as well as physically implanting software in the devices of targets while passing through customs facilities and airports, in addition to exploiting video and audio recordings to launch smear and extortion campaigns.

The organization's security lab documented multiple methods of digital intrusion, including one-click attacks via malicious links, clickless attacks that automatically infect the device, and network injection attacks through Morocco's telecommunications network. The report indicated that digital tracking began in September 2017, showing that an analysis of a list of 103 Moroccan phone numbers identified 65 individuals, including 34 human rights defenders, 22 journalists and media personnel, five lawyers, and four academics, along with 25 political representatives and officials, and five diplomats.

The report confirmed that "Pegasus" is merely a tool within a broader system purchased by Morocco from international suppliers:

• The Israeli company "NSO Group," developer of "Pegasus," which U.S. court documents revealed had given a codename to the Moroccan client as "Morgan."
• The French company "Amesys," supplier of the mass surveillance system "Eagle."
• The Italian company "Hacking Team" for the "RCS" system.
• The British-German network "Gamma Group / FinFisher" for the "FinSpy" software.

Amnesty reported that the cloud accounts (iCloud) used to target the exiled Moroccan journalist Hicham Mansouri and Claude Mangan (wife of the detained activist Niama Asfari) are the same accounts that were used to target Spanish ministers and French politicians.

The background of Morocco's espionage accusations dates back to previous years, notably the outbreak of the "Pegasus Project" crisis in 2021 when journalistic investigations claimed that numbers including French President Emmanuel Macron and various ministers and journalists were targeted, alongside similar Spanish accusations of hacking the phones of prominent officials like "Pedro Sánchez," in addition to old leaks of reports claiming that Moroccan security agencies contracted with global companies like "Amesys" and "Hacking Team" since 2009, accusations that Rabat has consistently denied, considering them unfounded claims lacking any concrete technical criminal evidence and driven by political motives.

The Counter-Narrative: "Worn-Out Record and Political Exploitation"

In contrast, Moroccan media and political and security figures faced these accusations with a sharp rebuttal, considering that what "Amnesty" and the French news agency published is merely recycling a media myth without evidence.

Rabat reiterated its assertion that it is a rule-of-law state that guarantees the confidentiality of communications, challenging international organizations to provide compelling and concrete technical evidence to prove the allegations before independent courts instead of relying on rumors. They described the testimony of the alleged defector "Ambassador" as that of a "nameless witness who cannot be interrogated," and that his claims about planting microphones through shop owners and recruiting neighbors belong to superficial gossip lacking any documentary support.

On the judicial front, Moroccan sources clarified that the failure of attempts to sue French media that previously directed these allegations against Morocco was not due to the charges being proven against Morocco, but rather because the French judiciary ruled the lawsuits inadmissible on procedural grounds, stating that the 1881 press law restricts the right to appeal defamation to individuals and not states, meaning that the essence of the accusations has never been judicially resolved.

Moreover, the Moroccan rebuttal highlighted the glaring contradiction in the file of the "alleged victims," where former French Defense Minister Florence Parly stood before an investigating judge to coolly declare that she "does not remember anything about the case," and that she has no doubt that she was subjected to espionage by any intelligence agency or state. Moroccan media questioned: If the concerned minister denies the matter, on whose behalf is the French media speaking?

Moroccan reports shed light on the double standards of French and Western institutions:

• A report by the European Parliament's inquiry committee (PEGA) revealed that the "Pegasus" software was sold to 22 government operators in 14 European countries (including Belgium, the Netherlands, Spain, Germany, Poland), without Amnesty dedicating a single study to those countries.
• The French internal intelligence (DGSI) secretly negotiated with NSO until 2021 to acquire "Pegasus" with a budget between 60 and 80 million euros.
• France developed its own spying software (Predator) through the "Intellexa" alliance with direct funding from the French Ministry of Finance and presidential blessing.
• The French intelligence received presidential approval to develop the local spying program "Touscan" through "Nexa Technologies," while French companies were involved in exporting mass surveillance systems to countries in the region away from media noise.

Moroccan sources concluded with political implications, noting that if the allegations of Morocco spying on President Emmanuel Macron and his ministers were true, it would have led to a complete severance of diplomatic relations. However, the reality has witnessed a historic rapprochement culminating in France's official recognition of Morocco's sovereignty over its Sahara, which confirms that decision-makers in the Élysée are fully aware that the "Pegasus" file was nothing but a media bubble created to extort Rabat and disrupt its security and diplomatic successes.