عنوان مقالي.. يطرح الكثير من التساؤلات التي تتعارض إجاباتها العقلانية مع عنوان مقال لعالم السياسة البروفيسور الأمريكي/ كينيث والتز (8 يونيو 1924 – 12 مايو 2013)، الذي حمل عنوان: «لماذا يجب على إيران أن تحصل على القنبلة؟-Why Iran Should Get The Bomb?»، والذي نشره في عام 2012، بمجلة «الشؤون الدولية Foreign Affairs» الأمريكية المرموقة. ومقال والتز هذا في الأصل اشتق من الفكرة العامة في كتابه المنشور في عام 1981، بعنوان:
«The Spread of Nuclear Weapons: More May Be Better»، ما ترجمته: «انتشار الأسلحة النووية: الكثير منها قد يعني الأفضل».
لا زلت أستذكر واليوم قبل أي يومٍ مضى.. تلك المحاضرة في أواخر عام 2012، التي حضرتها في
Centre Européen de Recherches Internationales & Stratgégiques -المركز الأوروبي للبحوث والدراسات الدولية والإستراتيجية (CERIS)، -الذي أرأسه اليوم إقليمياً في منطقة الشرق الأوسط وأفريقيا- أحد أهم المراكز الفكرية والأكاديمية في أوروبا والعالم.. عندما كان الضيف المتحدث الرئيسي كينيث والتز (الذي بالمناسبة كان أستاذ أوباما في جامعة شيكاغو إبان كان تلميذاً فيها)، كانت المحاضرة تدور حول مقاله المذكور، حيث لخّص نظرته الجيوسياسية المعتمدة على نظريته «السياسة الواقعية الجديدة- neorealism»، من أن حصول إيران على القنبلة النووية سيعني بالضرورة موازنة خطر النووي الإسرائيلي وردع بلطجة إسرائيل في المنطقة ودرء الفوضى المترتبة على تصدر إسرائيل لقوى المنطقة نووياً.
وأنا استمع له يومها كانت الأسئلة تغلي بداخلي من مثل.. هل فعلا بأن موازنة إيران لإسرائيل نووياً سيبعد عن المنطقة شبح الحروب والفوضى؟ تختلف أم تتفق مع والتز، فهو ممن بنى نظرته الجيوسياسية هذه على سياسة واقعية تدعى Realpolitik أي السياسة الواقعية العملية التي تتجرد من العواطف وتنظر للوسائل -مهما وكيفما كانت- التي تحقق الغايات. يذكر بأن كينيث والتز نشر مقالته المذكورة قبيل وفاته بأشهر قليلة (توفي عام 2013)، وكانت المقالة بمثابة «وصية» إلى تلميذه الرئيس الأمريكي حينها باراك أوباما، الذي بدا بأنه سعى لتحقيقها، ففي فترة رئاسته، ولدت وازدهرت وتقدمت المفاوضات النووية الإيرانية مع مجموعة 5+1 (الدول الخمس الدائمة العضوية بمجلس أمن الأمم المتحدة+ألمانيا) لصالح إيران، فيما عرف بـ«صفقة إيران»!
طبعاً أنا شخصياً اختلف تماماً مع طرح والتز، ولدي أفضلية كوني أولاً، ابن المنطقة وعرفت وشهدت ديناميكية الصراعات فيها وطبيعتها عن قرب بخلاف والتز الذي اكتفى بالتنظير من على بعد آلاف الأميال دون العيش في منطقة الشرق الأوسط والفهم عن قرب لإرهاصات وتداعيات الصراعات وأجندة القوى فيها. فمثلاً، طرح والتز تجاهل الدوافع الأيديولوجية للنظام الإيراني، كما غفل عن الطبيعة غير المتوقعة لانتشار الأسلحة النووية.
فعلى عكس نظرية والتز، فإن إيران نووية ستُصعّد الصراعات، وتدفع المنطقة إلى سباق تسلح خطير. ومن هنا ففكرة والتز القائلة بأن «المزيد من القنابل تعني المزيد من السلام» هي فكرة ساذجة إلى حد الخطورة، خصوصاً في منطقة تتغلغل فيها الفصائل غير الحكومية (المليشيات) والدوافع الأيديولوجية التي تُقوّض مبدأ الردع القائم على العقلانية، كما كان الحال في الحرب الباردة. لقد أدى انغماس والتز في التنظير الأكاديمي، وهو بعيد كل البعد عن واقع الشرق الأوسط، إلى تغافله عن حقيقة أساسية: إن السلاح النووي في يد إيران وحتى إسرائيل التي تملك بالفعل ترسانة نووية، لا يجلب الاستقرار، بل يقود إلى الفوضى، ولا أدل من الفوضى التي تشهدها المنطقة اليوم من الحرب الإسرائيلية الإيرانية، التي قصّت شريطها إسرائيل، وتلاها الهجمات الصاروخية والطائرات المسيّرة من جانب إيران، ورد إسرائيل وتدخل أمريكا بجانبها مؤخراً بعمليات عسكرية على منشآت نووية، والذي أعقبه الرد الإيراني الأخير بقصف صاروخي ضد دولة خليجية.. قطر الشقيقة.
كل هذه الفوضى أوصلت المنطقة إلى حافة الانفجار، ولم تزل دول فيها معرّضة لخطر وجودي، وأعني تحديدًا دول الخليج العربي.. هذه الست دول.. الحدائق وسط حرائق!
ناهيك عن أن امتلاك إيران للسلاح النووي سيعني بالضرورة حصول سباق تسلح، فدول مثل السعودية وتركيا ستسعى حينها لامتلاك أسلحة نووية خاصة بها. كما سيؤدي ذلك إلى شلل المسار الدبلوماسي- المشلول أساساً!- ففكرة الردع (بمعنى وجود إيران كقوة نووية رادعة لإسرائيل) لن تنجح، لأن أيديولوجيا إسرائيل تقوم على الاحتلال والتوسع تحت مثل شعار «إسرائيل الكبرى.. من النهر إلى البحر».
قبل الختام، الحل لاستقرار الشرق الأوسط لا يكمن في انتشار القنابل النووية، سواء تلك الإيرانية المرتقبة أو الإسرائيلية الموجودة. فإقامة منطقة خالية من الأسلحة النووية، رغم كونه هدفاً مثالي النزعة وبعيد المدى، إلا أنه يجب أن يبقى طموحاً إقليمياً مستمراً. أما على المدى القصير، فأنجع حل منطقي وواقعي وممكن التنفيذ ويفضي إلى بناء الثقة والاعتراف المتبادل هو في قبول مبدأ التعايش دون الخضوع للهيمنة الأيديولوجية، وذلك ضمن ترتيب يُعرف بــ «modus vivendi»، وهو مبدأ في العلاقات الدولية قائم على التعايش المؤقت كأمر واقع بين أطراف متنازعة (إيران- إسرائيل) دون اتفاق نهائي، وقطعاً لن يتحقق ذلك الاتفاق النهائي دون أن تحل أولاً القضية الفلسطينية، القضية المركزية في الشرق الأوسط وأساس أو «قميص عثمان» صراعاته، وذلك عبر قبول إسرائيل لمبادرة السلام العربية 2002.
يقول نيكولا مكيافيللي:
«الحروب تبدأ حينما تشاء، لكنها لا تنتهي حينما ترغب».
وأزيد على قول مكيافيللي، بأن الحروب لا تنتهي حينما ترغب، وأيضاً.. أينما ترغب، فهي لا تنحصر بعدها في الغالب بين طرفين بل تتعداهما جيوسياسياً، ليتسع ضررها البشري والمادي.
رسالة ختامية عبر هذا المنبر السعودي على أرض الشقيقة الكبرى لباقي دول الخليج العربية الشقيقة، بلسان شاعر من أرض الشقيقة الكبرى:
أخاك أخاك إنّ من لا أخاً لهُ
كساعٍ إلى الهيجاء بغير سلاحِ
وفهمكم يكفي!
علي صالح الضريبي
بين قنبلة إسرائيل وقنبلة إيران المرتقبة.. أين يكمن الاستقرار؟
3 يوليو 2025 - 00:01
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آخر تحديث 3 يوليو 2025 - 00:01
تابع قناة عكاظ على الواتساب
The title of my article raises many questions, the rational answers to which contradict the title of an article by the American political scientist Professor Kenneth Waltz (June 8, 1924 – May 12, 2013), titled: "Why Iran Should Get The Bomb?", published in 2012 in the prestigious American magazine "Foreign Affairs." This article by Waltz originally stemmed from the general idea in his book published in 1981, titled:
“The Spread of Nuclear Weapons: More May Be Better,” which translates to: “The Spread of Nuclear Weapons: More of Them May Mean Better.”
I still remember, and today more than any other day, that lecture in late 2012 that I attended at the
Centre Européen de Recherches Internationales & Stratégiques - the European Centre for International and Strategic Studies (CERIS), which I currently head regionally in the Middle East and Africa - one of the most important think tanks and academic centers in Europe and the world. The guest speaker was Kenneth Waltz (who, by the way, was Obama’s professor at the University of Chicago when he was a student there). The lecture revolved around his aforementioned article, where he summarized his geopolitical perspective based on his theory of "neorealism," stating that Iran obtaining a nuclear bomb would necessarily mean balancing the threat of the Israeli nuclear arsenal and deterring Israel's bullying in the region, thus averting the chaos that would result from Israel's nuclear dominance in the region.
As I listened to him that day, questions were boiling inside me, such as... Does balancing Iran against Israel with nuclear weapons really push the specter of wars and chaos away from the region? Whether one agrees or disagrees with Waltz, he built this geopolitical perspective on a pragmatic realism called Realpolitik, which strips away emotions and looks at the means—whatever they may be—that achieve the ends. It is noted that Kenneth Waltz published his aforementioned article just a few months before his death (he passed away in 2013), and the article served as a "testament" to his student, then-President Barack Obama, who seemed to have sought to achieve it. During his presidency, the Iranian nuclear negotiations with the P5+1 (the five permanent members of the UN Security Council + Germany) were born, flourished, and advanced in favor of Iran, in what became known as the "Iran Deal"!
Of course, I personally completely disagree with Waltz's proposition, and I have the advantage of being, first and foremost, a son of the region and having known and witnessed the dynamics of conflicts there and their nature up close, unlike Waltz, who contented himself with theorizing from thousands of miles away without living in the Middle East and understanding the precursors and repercussions of conflicts and the agendas of powers there. For example, Waltz's proposition ignores the ideological motivations of the Iranian regime and overlooks the unpredictable nature of nuclear weapons proliferation.
In contrast to Waltz's theory, a nuclear Iran would escalate conflicts and push the region into a dangerous arms race. Hence, Waltz's idea that "more bombs mean more peace" is a dangerously naive notion, especially in a region where non-state actors (militias) and ideological motivations undermine the principle of deterrence based on rationality, as was the case during the Cold War. Waltz's immersion in academic theorizing, far removed from the realities of the Middle East, led him to overlook a fundamental truth: that nuclear weapons in the hands of Iran, and even Israel, which already possesses a nuclear arsenal, do not bring stability but lead to chaos. There is no clearer example of the chaos currently engulfing the region than the Israeli-Iranian war, which was initiated by Israel, followed by missile and drone attacks from Iran, Israel's response, and America's recent military interventions alongside it targeting nuclear facilities, which was followed by Iran's latest response of missile strikes against a Gulf state... our sister Qatar.
All this chaos has brought the region to the brink of explosion, and some countries within it remain exposed to existential threats, specifically the Gulf Arab states... these six countries... gardens amidst fires!
Not to mention that Iran's possession of nuclear weapons would necessarily mean an arms race, as countries like Saudi Arabia and Turkey would then seek to acquire their own nuclear weapons. This would also lead to a paralysis of the already-stalled diplomatic process! The idea of deterrence (meaning Iran as a nuclear deterrent force against Israel) will not succeed, because Israel's ideology is based on occupation and expansion under the slogan "Greater Israel... from the river to the sea."
In conclusion, the solution for stability in the Middle East does not lie in the proliferation of nuclear bombs, whether those anticipated from Iran or the existing Israeli ones. Establishing a nuclear-free zone, while being an idealistic and long-term goal, should remain a continuous regional aspiration. In the short term, the most effective logical, realistic, and feasible solution that leads to building trust and mutual recognition is to accept the principle of coexistence without succumbing to ideological hegemony, within an arrangement known as "modus vivendi," which is a principle in international relations based on temporary coexistence as a reality between conflicting parties (Iran-Israel) without a final agreement, and certainly, that final agreement will not be achieved without first resolving the Palestinian issue, the central issue in the Middle East and the foundation or "shirt of Osman" of its conflicts, through Israel's acceptance of the Arab Peace Initiative of 2002.
Niccolò Machiavelli said:
“Wars begin when you want them to, but they do not end when you wish.”
And I would add to Machiavelli's statement that wars do not end when you wish, and also... wherever you wish, as they are not usually confined thereafter to two parties but extend geopolitically, widening their human and material damage.
A closing message through this Saudi platform on the land of the elder sister to the rest of the Gulf Arab states, in the voice of a poet from the land of the elder sister:
Your brother is your brother, for he who has no brother
Is like a seeker in the fray without a weapon.
And your understanding is sufficient!
“The Spread of Nuclear Weapons: More May Be Better,” which translates to: “The Spread of Nuclear Weapons: More of Them May Mean Better.”
I still remember, and today more than any other day, that lecture in late 2012 that I attended at the
Centre Européen de Recherches Internationales & Stratégiques - the European Centre for International and Strategic Studies (CERIS), which I currently head regionally in the Middle East and Africa - one of the most important think tanks and academic centers in Europe and the world. The guest speaker was Kenneth Waltz (who, by the way, was Obama’s professor at the University of Chicago when he was a student there). The lecture revolved around his aforementioned article, where he summarized his geopolitical perspective based on his theory of "neorealism," stating that Iran obtaining a nuclear bomb would necessarily mean balancing the threat of the Israeli nuclear arsenal and deterring Israel's bullying in the region, thus averting the chaos that would result from Israel's nuclear dominance in the region.
As I listened to him that day, questions were boiling inside me, such as... Does balancing Iran against Israel with nuclear weapons really push the specter of wars and chaos away from the region? Whether one agrees or disagrees with Waltz, he built this geopolitical perspective on a pragmatic realism called Realpolitik, which strips away emotions and looks at the means—whatever they may be—that achieve the ends. It is noted that Kenneth Waltz published his aforementioned article just a few months before his death (he passed away in 2013), and the article served as a "testament" to his student, then-President Barack Obama, who seemed to have sought to achieve it. During his presidency, the Iranian nuclear negotiations with the P5+1 (the five permanent members of the UN Security Council + Germany) were born, flourished, and advanced in favor of Iran, in what became known as the "Iran Deal"!
Of course, I personally completely disagree with Waltz's proposition, and I have the advantage of being, first and foremost, a son of the region and having known and witnessed the dynamics of conflicts there and their nature up close, unlike Waltz, who contented himself with theorizing from thousands of miles away without living in the Middle East and understanding the precursors and repercussions of conflicts and the agendas of powers there. For example, Waltz's proposition ignores the ideological motivations of the Iranian regime and overlooks the unpredictable nature of nuclear weapons proliferation.
In contrast to Waltz's theory, a nuclear Iran would escalate conflicts and push the region into a dangerous arms race. Hence, Waltz's idea that "more bombs mean more peace" is a dangerously naive notion, especially in a region where non-state actors (militias) and ideological motivations undermine the principle of deterrence based on rationality, as was the case during the Cold War. Waltz's immersion in academic theorizing, far removed from the realities of the Middle East, led him to overlook a fundamental truth: that nuclear weapons in the hands of Iran, and even Israel, which already possesses a nuclear arsenal, do not bring stability but lead to chaos. There is no clearer example of the chaos currently engulfing the region than the Israeli-Iranian war, which was initiated by Israel, followed by missile and drone attacks from Iran, Israel's response, and America's recent military interventions alongside it targeting nuclear facilities, which was followed by Iran's latest response of missile strikes against a Gulf state... our sister Qatar.
All this chaos has brought the region to the brink of explosion, and some countries within it remain exposed to existential threats, specifically the Gulf Arab states... these six countries... gardens amidst fires!
Not to mention that Iran's possession of nuclear weapons would necessarily mean an arms race, as countries like Saudi Arabia and Turkey would then seek to acquire their own nuclear weapons. This would also lead to a paralysis of the already-stalled diplomatic process! The idea of deterrence (meaning Iran as a nuclear deterrent force against Israel) will not succeed, because Israel's ideology is based on occupation and expansion under the slogan "Greater Israel... from the river to the sea."
In conclusion, the solution for stability in the Middle East does not lie in the proliferation of nuclear bombs, whether those anticipated from Iran or the existing Israeli ones. Establishing a nuclear-free zone, while being an idealistic and long-term goal, should remain a continuous regional aspiration. In the short term, the most effective logical, realistic, and feasible solution that leads to building trust and mutual recognition is to accept the principle of coexistence without succumbing to ideological hegemony, within an arrangement known as "modus vivendi," which is a principle in international relations based on temporary coexistence as a reality between conflicting parties (Iran-Israel) without a final agreement, and certainly, that final agreement will not be achieved without first resolving the Palestinian issue, the central issue in the Middle East and the foundation or "shirt of Osman" of its conflicts, through Israel's acceptance of the Arab Peace Initiative of 2002.
Niccolò Machiavelli said:
“Wars begin when you want them to, but they do not end when you wish.”
And I would add to Machiavelli's statement that wars do not end when you wish, and also... wherever you wish, as they are not usually confined thereafter to two parties but extend geopolitically, widening their human and material damage.
A closing message through this Saudi platform on the land of the elder sister to the rest of the Gulf Arab states, in the voice of a poet from the land of the elder sister:
Your brother is your brother, for he who has no brother
Is like a seeker in the fray without a weapon.
And your understanding is sufficient!


