يمكن لأي مقتدر مالياً، أن يطلب من مصنع سلعة بمواصفات، يحددها مسبقاً، ويشترطها على الشركة المنتجة أو المصنّعة، فالمواصفات في البضائع، والمنتجات؛ عرف تجاري من أعراف السوق، القائم على الحرص على إرضاء العميل، إلا أنه إلى الآن لم نسمع عن صناعة إنسان بمواصفات ومقاييس، برغم أن هناك بشراً، يمتلكون القدرة والخبرة واللياقة على إعادة إنتاج أنفسهم، بحسب ما تقتضيه المصلحة والظروف العصيبة.
ولعلنا نشاهد اليوم ونسمع بعض الصحويين المتقمّصين أدواراً تنطلق من أدبيات ومبادرات رؤية ٢٠٣٠، وتطبيقها باحترافية ما يُوحي بأن كل الصحوة هُراء، أو أنّ وراء الأكمة ما وراءها؛ إلا أن من العدل، أن نؤمن بأن الوطن للجميع، خصوصاً إذا كانت الصحوة (تديّناً) وأسلمة شكليّة فقط دون أدلجة أو انتماءات لجماعات الإسلام السياسي؛ الكافرة بالأوطان، والساعية لإقامة مشروعها، وإن اقتضت المنعطفات، المهادنة والتسليم بالأمر الواقع (ظاهراً) لبعض الوقت لا كُلّه.
ويمكن القول إن وسائل التواصل الاجتماعي عامرة وحافلة بما يؤكد أن للصحوة مظهراً ناعماً، وملمساً خدّاعاً، كما لها مخبر في أنيابه العطب، ولدى الصحويين مهارات التكيّف والتلوّن، وسرعة ردم الهوّة بينهم وبين الدول أو الحكومات، والتزيين بديكور المرحلة، فالتكتيك حاضر، والإستراتيجية قائمة؛ وتأمين فرص العودة، وخط الرجعة من الضرورات؛ فربما تكون اللحظة مؤاتية فالاستعداد والإعداد أصيلان في المنهج، وهناك شيفرات مُعلنة وخفيّة، ضابطها مراعاة التوقيت، مع التشبث بالمشهد، تفادياً للنسيان، ولكي لا يفتقد المجتمع (الصحوة) ويعتقد بأن ورقتها احترقت.
يعيش الصحوي عالماً ليس من صناعته، وربما يؤدي مهاماً لا عن قناعة، ومما كشفته التحريّات عن أدبيات (جماعة الإخوان المسلمين) أنهم قادرون على التموضع الديناميكي، ومع تمسكهم وتسليمهم، بفتاوى تحريم، إلا أنهم يمكن أن يعتبروا الأغاني من الحُداء المباح، والترفيه؛ ترويح عن النفس، والانفتاح مما عمّت به البلوى، والرقص الفلكلوري نشاط بدني رياضة؛ وهكذا كل ما كان يقع سابقاً في دائرة الحرام، يضعون له تخريجات؛ ويتبادلون المواقف والمواقع؛ كون الحرب خدعة، والسوانح تجيء وتروح.
ولأن من الصحويين من يؤمنُ جازماً، بأن السياسة جزء من الدِّين، منذ رفع شعار (لا حُكم إلا لله) الذي اعترض به الخوارج على التحكيم في معركة صفّين؛ إلى زمن اشتقاق مصطلح (الإسلام هو الحلّ)، فهو مسكون بهاجس خلافة موعود بها ذهنياً أو وجدانياً أو منامياً، ويستبطن ماضياً لا يستبعد إمكانية عودته أو إعادته؛ كما أنه يعوّل على الغيبيات المستقبلية، وكل ما يمر به أو عليه من قمع وتقنيع؛ يدرجه في خانة الابتلاء؛ بسبب أخطاء يمكن الاستدراك عليها ومعالجتها؛ ولعل هذا ليس حصراً على المؤدلجين من المسلمين، بل نجده في أتباع أديان سماوية ووضعية، وإن كان مُشوهاً لأنه يسير عكس اتجاه الزمكان.
للدولة مؤهلات حضارية لا تملكها جماعات الإسلام السياسي، ولا تريد امتلاكها؛ منها الحرص على احترام حقوق الإنسان، وتفعيل دور المؤسسات المتجذّرة، وتحديثها، ومركزية القرار، وتراكمية الخبرة، والالتزام بالعهود الدولية؛ ما يعزز طمأنينة المجتمعات للدولة المدنية، لا الدينية؛ كونها ذاقت على أيدي رافعي شعارات الإنقاذ الويل والثبور، ولم تُثبت الزوايا الحادة والمُنفرجة؛ صدق النوايا.
ومن يتابع، مراجعات وتراجعات تيار الإسلام السياسي في العالم العربي، يصل إلى يقين بأن هذه التيارات مُبرمجة وفق ثوابتها المرنة؛ حد التماهي مع المراحل، على تقييم المراحل، وقراءة التحولات، وتحليل الأحداث؛ وترتيب نفسها وفق معطيات كل مرحلة؛ وبمتابعة شخوصهم تجدهم في المناسبات والفعاليات، محافظين على المظهر ومتماهين مع اللحظة الراهنة، وإن لم تنسجم الصورة المُركّبة تركيباً إجبارياً، مع ما يحيط بها أو ما هي فيه.
لفتت انتباهي خلال أعوام مضت؛ نماذج صحويّة تتبنى أدبيات رؤى دول عربية بصورة مبالغ فيها (من وجهة نظر المراقب) كونه ليس من السهل الانتقال بسرعة البرق من الأدلجة إلى الوطنية، ومن الكفر بالأنظمة إلى الإيمان بها، بل والتقرب إلى الله بمحبتها! والإسهام بمبادرات فيها من الانفتاح والتحرر من القيود، ما يثير أسئلة ورِيبة.
بالطبع تعوّدت المجتمعات على كائنات حربائية، تغيّر لونها، وثعابين بشريّة لديها قابلية لخلع جلدها؛ والظهور بغيره، إلا أن الحربائيين ليسوا مؤدلجين على طول الطريق، وإنما نفعيّون يتعاملون مع كل موقف، أو تحوّل بقدر ما يحقق من براءة أو ينفي تهمة.
ولربما من النادر جداً؛ أن ينصرف صحوي من الساحة، ويعتزل المشهد، ويتفرغ لعمله (الحكومي) أو الخاص؛ أو عبادته، وينأى بعيداً عن الشأن العام؛ فما تنصّ عليه كتب التنظيمات، من عناوين وموضوعات؛ تؤكد حق الحضور والمشاركة، والحد من فرص مكونات في الحلول محلهم، وإن لزم من ذلك تقديم بعض التنازلات.
ولو ذهب البعض إلى أن هذا المقال تحشيدي، وتعبوي، لتجييش مراكز ومؤسسات للتصدي لكل الصحويين السابقين، والحدّ من نشاطهم المتجدّد، فربما أنه أبعد النُّجعة وأغرق في النزع، فالمؤسسات المعنية أقدر على رصد أي خطر يهدّد أمن البلاد والعباد، وليس من الحكمة ولا من الموضوعية المزايدة على نباهة المسؤولين، كما لا يجوز التألّي على الله.
تابع قناة عكاظ على الواتساب
Anyone who is financially capable can request a manufacturer to produce goods with specifications that they define in advance and impose on the producing or manufacturing company. Specifications in goods and products are a commercial norm in the market, based on the commitment to satisfy the customer. However, we have not yet heard of the manufacturing of a human being with specific standards and measures, despite the existence of individuals who possess the ability, experience, and fitness to reproduce themselves according to the needs of interests and difficult circumstances.
Today, we may see and hear some revivalists adopting roles that stem from the literature and initiatives of Vision 2030, applying them professionally in a way that suggests that the entire revival is nonsense, or that there is more than meets the eye; yet it is fair to believe that the homeland belongs to everyone, especially if the revival is merely a (religious) formality and superficial Islamization without ideologization or affiliations with political Islam groups that are ungrateful to their homelands and seek to establish their project, even if the circumstances require temporary appeasement and acceptance of the status quo (outwardly) for a while, not entirely.
It can be said that social media is rich and full of evidence that the revival has a soft appearance and a deceptive texture, as it also has a hidden essence in its flawed fangs. Revivalists possess skills of adaptation and camouflage, and they quickly bridge the gap between themselves and states or governments, embellishing themselves with the decor of the moment. Tactics are present, and strategies are in place; securing opportunities for return and a way back is essential; perhaps the moment is opportune, as preparation and readiness are inherent in the methodology. There are both overt and covert codes, governed by timing considerations, while clinging to the scene to avoid being forgotten, so that society does not believe that the revival's card has been burned.
The revivalist lives in a world not of his making and may perform tasks not out of conviction. Investigations into the literature of the (Muslim Brotherhood) have revealed that they are capable of dynamic positioning. Despite their adherence to and acceptance of fatwas prohibiting certain actions, they may consider songs as permissible entertainment, a means of relaxation, and folkloric dancing as a physical activity or sport; thus, everything that previously fell within the realm of the forbidden is given justifications, and they exchange positions and roles, as war is deception, and opportunities come and go.
Some revivalists firmly believe that politics is part of religion, from the time the slogan (There is no rule but by God) was raised by the Kharijites in objection to arbitration in the Battle of Siffin, to the time the term (Islam is the solution) was coined. They are haunted by the obsession of a promised caliphate, whether mentally, emotionally, or in dreams, and they harbor a past that they do not rule out the possibility of its return or revival. They also rely on future uncertainties, and everything they experience or endure in terms of oppression and concealment is categorized as a trial due to mistakes that can be rectified and addressed. This is perhaps not limited to ideologized Muslims but is also found among followers of heavenly and worldly religions, albeit distorted as it goes against the direction of space and time.
The state possesses civilizational qualifications that political Islam groups do not have and do not wish to acquire, including a commitment to respect human rights, activating rooted institutions, modernizing them, centralizing decision-making, accumulating experience, and adhering to international treaties. This enhances the communities' reassurance towards a civil state, not a religious one, as they have suffered at the hands of those raising slogans of salvation, experiencing misery and calamity, and the sharp and blunt angles have not proven the sincerity of intentions.
Those who follow the reviews and retreats of the political Islam current in the Arab world come to the certainty that these currents are programmed according to their flexible constants; to the extent of merging with the stages, evaluating the stages, reading transformations, analyzing events, and arranging themselves according to the data of each stage. By following their figures, you find them at events and occasions, maintaining appearances and blending in with the current moment, even if the composite image does not harmonize with what surrounds it or what it is in.
Over the past years, I have noticed revivalist models adopting the literature of the visions of Arab countries in an exaggerated manner (from the observer's perspective), as it is not easy to transition at lightning speed from ideologization to nationalism, from disbelief in regimes to belief in them, and even to draw closer to God through love for them! And contributing to initiatives that involve openness and liberation from constraints raises questions and suspicion.
Of course, societies have grown accustomed to chameleon-like beings that change their colors and human snakes that can shed their skin and appear differently. However, chameleons are not ideologized all the way; rather, they are opportunists who deal with every situation or transformation as far as it achieves innocence or negates a charge.
It is perhaps very rare for a revivalist to withdraw from the scene, retire from the public sphere, and dedicate themselves to their (governmental) or private work, or to worship, distancing themselves from public affairs. The regulations outlined in the organization’s books, with their titles and subjects, affirm the right to presence and participation, limiting the opportunities for other components to take their place, even if that requires some concessions.
If some argue that this article is mobilizing and rallying to incite centers and institutions to confront all previous revivalists and limit their renewed activity, it may be far from the truth and deeply immersed in the struggle. The concerned institutions are more capable of detecting any threat to the security of the country and its people, and it is neither wise nor objective to overestimate the intelligence of officials, just as it is not permissible to make presumptions about God.
Today, we may see and hear some revivalists adopting roles that stem from the literature and initiatives of Vision 2030, applying them professionally in a way that suggests that the entire revival is nonsense, or that there is more than meets the eye; yet it is fair to believe that the homeland belongs to everyone, especially if the revival is merely a (religious) formality and superficial Islamization without ideologization or affiliations with political Islam groups that are ungrateful to their homelands and seek to establish their project, even if the circumstances require temporary appeasement and acceptance of the status quo (outwardly) for a while, not entirely.
It can be said that social media is rich and full of evidence that the revival has a soft appearance and a deceptive texture, as it also has a hidden essence in its flawed fangs. Revivalists possess skills of adaptation and camouflage, and they quickly bridge the gap between themselves and states or governments, embellishing themselves with the decor of the moment. Tactics are present, and strategies are in place; securing opportunities for return and a way back is essential; perhaps the moment is opportune, as preparation and readiness are inherent in the methodology. There are both overt and covert codes, governed by timing considerations, while clinging to the scene to avoid being forgotten, so that society does not believe that the revival's card has been burned.
The revivalist lives in a world not of his making and may perform tasks not out of conviction. Investigations into the literature of the (Muslim Brotherhood) have revealed that they are capable of dynamic positioning. Despite their adherence to and acceptance of fatwas prohibiting certain actions, they may consider songs as permissible entertainment, a means of relaxation, and folkloric dancing as a physical activity or sport; thus, everything that previously fell within the realm of the forbidden is given justifications, and they exchange positions and roles, as war is deception, and opportunities come and go.
Some revivalists firmly believe that politics is part of religion, from the time the slogan (There is no rule but by God) was raised by the Kharijites in objection to arbitration in the Battle of Siffin, to the time the term (Islam is the solution) was coined. They are haunted by the obsession of a promised caliphate, whether mentally, emotionally, or in dreams, and they harbor a past that they do not rule out the possibility of its return or revival. They also rely on future uncertainties, and everything they experience or endure in terms of oppression and concealment is categorized as a trial due to mistakes that can be rectified and addressed. This is perhaps not limited to ideologized Muslims but is also found among followers of heavenly and worldly religions, albeit distorted as it goes against the direction of space and time.
The state possesses civilizational qualifications that political Islam groups do not have and do not wish to acquire, including a commitment to respect human rights, activating rooted institutions, modernizing them, centralizing decision-making, accumulating experience, and adhering to international treaties. This enhances the communities' reassurance towards a civil state, not a religious one, as they have suffered at the hands of those raising slogans of salvation, experiencing misery and calamity, and the sharp and blunt angles have not proven the sincerity of intentions.
Those who follow the reviews and retreats of the political Islam current in the Arab world come to the certainty that these currents are programmed according to their flexible constants; to the extent of merging with the stages, evaluating the stages, reading transformations, analyzing events, and arranging themselves according to the data of each stage. By following their figures, you find them at events and occasions, maintaining appearances and blending in with the current moment, even if the composite image does not harmonize with what surrounds it or what it is in.
Over the past years, I have noticed revivalist models adopting the literature of the visions of Arab countries in an exaggerated manner (from the observer's perspective), as it is not easy to transition at lightning speed from ideologization to nationalism, from disbelief in regimes to belief in them, and even to draw closer to God through love for them! And contributing to initiatives that involve openness and liberation from constraints raises questions and suspicion.
Of course, societies have grown accustomed to chameleon-like beings that change their colors and human snakes that can shed their skin and appear differently. However, chameleons are not ideologized all the way; rather, they are opportunists who deal with every situation or transformation as far as it achieves innocence or negates a charge.
It is perhaps very rare for a revivalist to withdraw from the scene, retire from the public sphere, and dedicate themselves to their (governmental) or private work, or to worship, distancing themselves from public affairs. The regulations outlined in the organization’s books, with their titles and subjects, affirm the right to presence and participation, limiting the opportunities for other components to take their place, even if that requires some concessions.
If some argue that this article is mobilizing and rallying to incite centers and institutions to confront all previous revivalists and limit their renewed activity, it may be far from the truth and deeply immersed in the struggle. The concerned institutions are more capable of detecting any threat to the security of the country and its people, and it is neither wise nor objective to overestimate the intelligence of officials, just as it is not permissible to make presumptions about God.


