إلى وقت كتابة هذه السطور ظهر يوم أمس، ونحن نترقب انعقاد الجلسة الخاصة؛ التي وصفها كثير من المراقبين بالتأريخية لمجلس الوزراء اللبناني، لمناقشة تسليم سلاح حزب الله وحصره بيد الدولة، بعد أن كان هذا الموضوع فقرة جوهرية في خطاب العهد للرئيس جوزيف عون، وكذلك في خطاب المسؤولية لرئيس الوزراء نواف سلام، وتأييد نسبة مهمة من الرموز السياسية «الوطنية» وكل الشعب اللبناني، عدا النسبة القليلة التي تعتاش من سلاح حزب الله.
استبق حزب الله الجلسة باستعراض قوة وتهديد للدولة بأن استمرارها مرتبط ببقاء سلاحه. الحزب يتذرع بأن المشكلة في سلاح إسرائيل وليس سلاحه؛ أي أنه بوضوح لا ينوي تسليم أسلحته للدولة. وفيما لو اتخذ مجلس الوزراء قراراً شجاعاً وحاسماً بسحب سلاح حزب الله فإن تنفيذه لن يكون سهلاً، لكن إصرار الحزب على موقفه سوف يجر لبنان إلى مصير مخيف؛ لأن الأمور واضحة جداً ومعلنة بالنسبة لإسرائيل وبدعم أمريكي كامل، إذا لم يسلم حزب الله سلاحه فإنها ستقوم بالمهمة، وربما على الطريقة الإسرائيلية الفظيعة التي شاهدناها في غزة.
منذ اندلاع الحرب الأهلية اللبنانية عام 1975 إلى وقتنا الحاضر مضى نصف قرن لم يشهد خلاله لبنان سوى فترة قصيرة جداً من الاستقرار والأمن انتهت باغتيال رفيق الحريري. كوارث حزب الله وحلفائه داخل الكتل السياسية، واعتبار لبنان غنيمة في كل ظروفه لدى بعض السياسيين، خلقت أوضاعاً مأساوية خنقت اللبنانيين ودمرت وطنهم.
مؤخراً حظي لبنان بدعم عربي ودولي كبير نتج عنه انتخاب رئيس للجمهورية وتشكيل حكومة جديدة. الدول الشقيقة والصديقة وعدت لبنان بدعمه لإنعاش اقتصاده وإعادة نبض الحياة في شرايينه، لكن هذا مشروط بأن يسود منطق الدولة، والدولة فقط، لتسيير البلد وتطبيق قوانينه وأنظمته، وليس منطق الميليشيات والقبضايات ولوردات الفساد وتجار الحروب. هذه الرسائل وصلت بوضوح للمسؤولين اللبنانيين، على لبنان أن يساعد نفسه أولاً كي يمكن مساعدته، والأوضاع الآن ليست كالسابق، فلبنان أمام خيارين لا ثالث لهما: إما الدولة والاستقرار، وإما الميليشيا والانهيار.
تابع قناة عكاظ على الواتساب
As of the time of writing these lines yesterday morning, we are anticipating the convening of the special session, which many observers have described as historic for the Lebanese Cabinet, to discuss the handover of Hezbollah's weapons and their confinement to the state, after this issue was a key point in President Joseph Aoun's inaugural speech, as well as in Prime Minister Nawaf Salam's speech of responsibility, and with the support of a significant percentage of "national" political figures and the entire Lebanese population, except for the small percentage that lives off Hezbollah's weapons.
Hezbollah preempted the session with a show of force and a threat to the state that its continuation is linked to the existence of its weapons. The party claims that the problem lies with Israel's weapons, not its own; meaning that it clearly does not intend to hand over its arms to the state. If the Cabinet were to make a brave and decisive decision to withdraw Hezbollah's weapons, its implementation would not be easy, but the party's insistence on its position will drag Lebanon into a frightening fate; because the matters are very clear and announced for Israel, with full American support, that if Hezbollah does not hand over its weapons, it will carry out the task, perhaps in the horrific Israeli manner we witnessed in Gaza.
Since the outbreak of the Lebanese civil war in 1975 until now, half a century has passed during which Lebanon has only witnessed a very brief period of stability and security, which ended with the assassination of Rafik Hariri. The disasters caused by Hezbollah and its allies within the political blocs, and the perception of Lebanon as a spoils in all circumstances by some politicians, have created tragic conditions that have suffocated the Lebanese and destroyed their homeland.
Recently, Lebanon received significant Arab and international support resulting in the election of a president and the formation of a new government. Brotherly and friendly countries promised Lebanon support to revive its economy and restore the pulse of life in its veins, but this is conditional on the logic of the state prevailing, and the state only, to manage the country and implement its laws and regulations, not the logic of militias, strongmen, lords of corruption, and war merchants. These messages have been clearly received by Lebanese officials; Lebanon must help itself first in order to be able to receive help, and the situation now is not like before, as Lebanon faces two options with no third: either the state and stability, or the militia and collapse.
Hezbollah preempted the session with a show of force and a threat to the state that its continuation is linked to the existence of its weapons. The party claims that the problem lies with Israel's weapons, not its own; meaning that it clearly does not intend to hand over its arms to the state. If the Cabinet were to make a brave and decisive decision to withdraw Hezbollah's weapons, its implementation would not be easy, but the party's insistence on its position will drag Lebanon into a frightening fate; because the matters are very clear and announced for Israel, with full American support, that if Hezbollah does not hand over its weapons, it will carry out the task, perhaps in the horrific Israeli manner we witnessed in Gaza.
Since the outbreak of the Lebanese civil war in 1975 until now, half a century has passed during which Lebanon has only witnessed a very brief period of stability and security, which ended with the assassination of Rafik Hariri. The disasters caused by Hezbollah and its allies within the political blocs, and the perception of Lebanon as a spoils in all circumstances by some politicians, have created tragic conditions that have suffocated the Lebanese and destroyed their homeland.
Recently, Lebanon received significant Arab and international support resulting in the election of a president and the formation of a new government. Brotherly and friendly countries promised Lebanon support to revive its economy and restore the pulse of life in its veins, but this is conditional on the logic of the state prevailing, and the state only, to manage the country and implement its laws and regulations, not the logic of militias, strongmen, lords of corruption, and war merchants. These messages have been clearly received by Lebanese officials; Lebanon must help itself first in order to be able to receive help, and the situation now is not like before, as Lebanon faces two options with no third: either the state and stability, or the militia and collapse.
