يعد مجال التحليل السياسي من أكثر المجالات المعنية بالغوص في التفاصيل للوصول لأسباب مقنعة لحدوث ظاهرة أو حدث ما في بقعة جغرافية معينة خلال زمن محدد، ولفك الارتباط بين تلك الظاهرة وبين أسبابها ونتائجها لتحليلها بالعمق الكافي يتعيّن على المحلل السياسي أن يستعين بمجموعة واسعة ومتنوعة من الأدوات التحليلية، ولعل أهمها الإلمام الكافي بالوقائع التاريخية التي تسبّبت في وجود هذه الظاهرة، ولذلك فالتحليل السياسي الرصين هو أبعد ما يمكن عن استخدام الشعارات الرنانة والمفاهيم الشعبوية التي لا تهدف إلا لتأسيس خطاب لا يمت للواقع بصلة.
قبل عدة أسابيع اتخذ مجلس الوزراء اللبناني قراراً يقضي بضرورة حصر السلاح بيد الدولة، وهو ما يعني أن أي ميليشيات عسكرية أو الفصائل المسلحة يتعيّن عليها تسليم سلاحها والانضواء تحت راية الدولة بشكل رسمي ونهائي، وهو القرار الذي يجب أن تُبنى عليه دعائم الدولة اللبنانية، غير أنه في الوقت الذي رحّبت فيه غالبية الأطراف بهذا القرار الحكيم، أثار هذا القرار نفسه حفيظة حزب الله الذي رفض المقترح شكلاً وموضوعاً، بل وصعّد الأمر بالتلويح بأن هذه الدعوة تنطوي على خيانة مضمرة، وقد صعّد حزب الله لهجته ملمحاً بأنه في حال إصرار الدولة اللبنانية على تنفيذ هذا القرار بالقوة فإن الأمر قد يتطوّر إلى حرب أهلية ستندلع حتماً بين أبناء الشعب اللبناني الواحد، وهو ما أثار بدوره موجة من الاستياء الشديد، ولا شك أن التهديد باندلاع حرب أهلية داخلية في لبنان يلقي بالكثير من علامات الاستفهام عن دور هذا الحزب تحديداً ليس في لبنان فحسب، بل في كامل المنطقة العربية.
غير أن أهم سؤال يطرح نفسه هو: لماذا؟ لماذا يصر حزب الله على التغريد خارج السرب ويرفض بهذا الشكل القاطع الانضواء تحت سلطة الدولة الرسمية؟ لِم يحرص على الاحتفاظ بكامل سلاحه؟ أما السؤال الأهم فهو: لمن يوجه حزب الله سلاحه؟ هل يوجهه ضد جهات خارجية فعلاً أم أنه يسعى للاحتفاظ بوضع مميز يمكِّنه من تنفيذ أهداف تخدم أجندة بعض الأطراف الخارجية؟.
لو نظرنا للموضوع بنظرة أكثر دقة وموضوعية فسنجد أن موقف حزب الله لا يمكن أن تقبله أي دولة في العالم ذات سيادة، فلا يمكن أن تقبل دولة بوجود فصيل مسلح فوق أراضيها يتحدى قرارات الحكومة، ومن الواضح أن دعوة الحكومة اللبنانية لحزب الله لكي يسلم سلاحه لا تعني إقصاءه من الحياة السياسية، فحزب الله هو فصيل سياسي، لذلك فالسؤال هنا: هل يصر حزب الله على حيازة سلاحه ليتحدى الحكومة المركزية ويفرض قراراته عنوة عليها ؟ إذن ما الفرق بينه وبين العصابات المسلحة في أي دولة مفككة؟ أم أنه مصر على امتلاك سلاحه تنفيذاً لأوامر جهات خارجية مسؤولة عن دعمه وتمويله؟ لمن ينتمي حزب الله؟ وهل هو أداة في يد جهات خارجية أشبه بقوات احتلال وهو ذراعها المحلي؟ هل يحتفظ حزب الله بسلاحه أملاً في عودة النظام السوري البائد، ويريد قمع مناهضي هذا النظام من خلال أسلحته وميليشياته؟.
هل يريد تحرير مزارع شبعا أو غيرها؟ ألم يأن الأوان بعد لأن يعترف الحزب بفشله في تنفيذ ما يزعم، فبعد أربعين عاماً من عمر هذا الحزب لاتزال مزارع شبعا محتلة، ولعل انخراطه في دعم نظام بشار الأسد البائد قبل سقوطه يوضح حقيقة ولائه، ولعل أكثر الأسئلة معقولية في هذا السياق هو لماذا يريد أصلاً حزب الله القيام بمسؤولية الدولة في حماية لبنان وأراضيها؟ أليس تحرير الأرض وحماية الشعب هي مسؤولية الدولة متمثلة في حكومتها؟!
وبعيداً عن الشعارات الرنانة والخطب المنمقة، كلما مرت الأيام اتضح أن لهذا الحزب دوراً واضحاً ومحدداً في حياة الدولة اللبنانية، فقد نشأ هذا الحزب وترعرع وتم تمويله وتدريب عناصره ليكون شوكة في خاصرة لبنان تخدم مصالح بعض الدول الخارجية، فالحزب يوجه ولاءه وانتماءه لعناصر خارجية، وهذا التحليل تؤكده الأحداث يوماً بعد يوم، وموقفاً بعد موقف، وفي كل مرة يأمل اللبنانيون منه اتخاذ موقف مغاير يصب في مصلحة الشعب اللبناني نجده وقد انحاز لأجندته الخاصة.
تابع قناة عكاظ على الواتساب
The field of political analysis is one of the most concerned with diving into details to reach convincing reasons for the occurrence of a phenomenon or event in a specific geographical area during a certain time. To untangle the relationship between that phenomenon and its causes and effects for in-depth analysis, the political analyst must rely on a wide and diverse set of analytical tools, perhaps the most important of which is a sufficient familiarity with the historical facts that led to the existence of this phenomenon. Therefore, sound political analysis is far from using catchy slogans and populist concepts that aim only to establish a discourse that has no connection to reality.
Several weeks ago, the Lebanese Cabinet made a decision to necessitate the restriction of weapons to the hands of the state, which means that any military militias or armed factions must surrender their weapons and officially and definitively come under the banner of the state. This decision should be the foundation upon which the pillars of the Lebanese state are built. However, while the majority of parties welcomed this wise decision, it provoked the ire of Hezbollah, which rejected the proposal both in form and substance, even escalating the matter by hinting that this call entails a hidden betrayal. Hezbollah intensified its rhetoric, suggesting that if the Lebanese state insists on implementing this decision by force, it could escalate into a civil war that would inevitably break out among the Lebanese people. This, in turn, sparked a wave of severe discontent, and there is no doubt that the threat of an internal civil war in Lebanon raises many questions about the role of this party, not only in Lebanon but in the entire Arab region.
However, the most important question that arises is: Why? Why does Hezbollah insist on singing out of tune and categorically refuse to come under the authority of the official state? Why does it insist on retaining all its weapons? The more important question is: Who is Hezbollah directing its weapons against? Is it truly aimed at external parties, or is it seeking to maintain a special status that enables it to pursue goals that serve the agendas of certain external parties?
If we look at the issue with a more precise and objective lens, we will find that Hezbollah's position cannot be accepted by any sovereign state in the world. No state can accept the existence of an armed faction on its territory that challenges government decisions. It is clear that the Lebanese government's call for Hezbollah to surrender its weapons does not mean excluding it from political life, as Hezbollah is a political faction. Therefore, the question here is: Does Hezbollah insist on possessing its weapons to challenge the central government and impose its decisions on it by force? What is the difference between it and armed gangs in any fragmented state? Or is it determined to possess its weapons in execution of orders from external parties responsible for its support and funding? To whom does Hezbollah belong? Is it a tool in the hands of external parties akin to an occupying force and its local arm? Does Hezbollah retain its weapons in the hope of the return of the fallen Syrian regime, wanting to suppress opponents of this regime through its weapons and militias?
Does it want to liberate the Shebaa Farms or others? Hasn't the time come for the party to acknowledge its failure in executing what it claims? After forty years of this party's existence, the Shebaa Farms are still occupied, and perhaps its involvement in supporting the fallen Bashar al-Assad regime before its fall clarifies the reality of its loyalty. Perhaps the most reasonable question in this context is why does Hezbollah even want to assume the state's responsibility for protecting Lebanon and its lands? Isn't the liberation of land and the protection of the people the responsibility of the state as represented by its government?!
And away from catchy slogans and ornate speeches, as the days go by, it becomes clear that this party has a clear and defined role in the life of the Lebanese state. This party was born, grew, and was funded and trained to be a thorn in the side of Lebanon serving the interests of certain foreign countries. The party directs its loyalty and allegiance to external elements, and this analysis is confirmed by events day after day, and position after position. Each time the Lebanese hope for it to take a stance that serves the interests of the Lebanese people, we find it has aligned with its own agenda.
Several weeks ago, the Lebanese Cabinet made a decision to necessitate the restriction of weapons to the hands of the state, which means that any military militias or armed factions must surrender their weapons and officially and definitively come under the banner of the state. This decision should be the foundation upon which the pillars of the Lebanese state are built. However, while the majority of parties welcomed this wise decision, it provoked the ire of Hezbollah, which rejected the proposal both in form and substance, even escalating the matter by hinting that this call entails a hidden betrayal. Hezbollah intensified its rhetoric, suggesting that if the Lebanese state insists on implementing this decision by force, it could escalate into a civil war that would inevitably break out among the Lebanese people. This, in turn, sparked a wave of severe discontent, and there is no doubt that the threat of an internal civil war in Lebanon raises many questions about the role of this party, not only in Lebanon but in the entire Arab region.
However, the most important question that arises is: Why? Why does Hezbollah insist on singing out of tune and categorically refuse to come under the authority of the official state? Why does it insist on retaining all its weapons? The more important question is: Who is Hezbollah directing its weapons against? Is it truly aimed at external parties, or is it seeking to maintain a special status that enables it to pursue goals that serve the agendas of certain external parties?
If we look at the issue with a more precise and objective lens, we will find that Hezbollah's position cannot be accepted by any sovereign state in the world. No state can accept the existence of an armed faction on its territory that challenges government decisions. It is clear that the Lebanese government's call for Hezbollah to surrender its weapons does not mean excluding it from political life, as Hezbollah is a political faction. Therefore, the question here is: Does Hezbollah insist on possessing its weapons to challenge the central government and impose its decisions on it by force? What is the difference between it and armed gangs in any fragmented state? Or is it determined to possess its weapons in execution of orders from external parties responsible for its support and funding? To whom does Hezbollah belong? Is it a tool in the hands of external parties akin to an occupying force and its local arm? Does Hezbollah retain its weapons in the hope of the return of the fallen Syrian regime, wanting to suppress opponents of this regime through its weapons and militias?
Does it want to liberate the Shebaa Farms or others? Hasn't the time come for the party to acknowledge its failure in executing what it claims? After forty years of this party's existence, the Shebaa Farms are still occupied, and perhaps its involvement in supporting the fallen Bashar al-Assad regime before its fall clarifies the reality of its loyalty. Perhaps the most reasonable question in this context is why does Hezbollah even want to assume the state's responsibility for protecting Lebanon and its lands? Isn't the liberation of land and the protection of the people the responsibility of the state as represented by its government?!
And away from catchy slogans and ornate speeches, as the days go by, it becomes clear that this party has a clear and defined role in the life of the Lebanese state. This party was born, grew, and was funded and trained to be a thorn in the side of Lebanon serving the interests of certain foreign countries. The party directs its loyalty and allegiance to external elements, and this analysis is confirmed by events day after day, and position after position. Each time the Lebanese hope for it to take a stance that serves the interests of the Lebanese people, we find it has aligned with its own agenda.


