في 3 يونيو من العام 1982، اقترب ثلاثة رجال، عرفوا فيما بعد بـ (حسين غسان سعيد، ومروان البنا، ونواف الروسان) من السفير الإسرائيلي في العاصمة البريطانية لندن «شلومو أرجوف» أثناء دخوله سيارته بعد حضوره مأدبة في فندق دورشيستر في بارك لين، أطلق «حسين غسان سعيد» النارَ على السفير أرجوف في رأسه، لم يُقتل «شلومو أرجوف» لكنه فتح باباً من الحروب والمآسي بقيت لليوم.
ما حصل في العام 1982 لا يزال الشرق الأوسط يكرره بنفس المنطق ويدفع ثمنه لليوم، مع اختلاف الأشخاص وثبات النتائج.
لقد دفع ذلك الحادث إسرائيل إلى غزو لبنان، ومكّنها من احتلال دام لعقدين، وجرت على إثره مذابح دامية أشهرها صبرا وشاتيلا، وخرجت الفصائل الفلسطينية من لبنان آخر نقطة تماس مع إسرائيل، فضلاً عن انقسام حاد في المجتمع اللبناني، ما زالت آثاره لليوم.
كانت إحدى الفصائل الفلسطينية المقيمة في لبنان قد أخذت قراراً منفرداً بالتخطيط وتنفيذ محاولة الاغتيال، وهو ما دفع إسرائيل لتتخذ من ذلك ذريعة لغزو لبنان بقيادة وزير الدفاع حينها إيريل شارون، ليدفع الجميع ثمن ذلك.
لعل المثير أن المجتمع المحلي الشيعي في جنوب لبنان هو أول من استقبل الجنود والدبابات الإسرائيلية بالورود، ونثر الأرز عليهم، فقد كان جزءاً من المكوّن اللبناني خاصة بعض (الشيعة والمسيحيين) يرون في الوجود المسلح الفلسطيني خطراً داهماً عليهم، وما كان الاستقبال الحافل إلا قناعة بأن «شارون» وجيشه هم من سيخلصونهم من الفصائل الفلسطينية.
تلك الزغاريد والأرز والورود تحوّلت إلى وبالٍ عليهم، واحتلال إسرائيلي قاسٍ، فجيش شارون لم يكن في اهتماماته إلا الرد على ما قام به الفصيل الفلسطيني في لندن وكسر شوكة بقية الفصائل، وتأمين حدوده الشمالية من خلال احتلال جنوب لبنان.
لم تكن تلك نزهة كما ظن بعض شيعة ومسيحيي لبنان، بل تحوّل التواجد تحت ظلال الأرز والورود التي نثرت إلى احتلال استمر لأكثر من عقدين، لقد ظن كل من رحّب بشارون وجيشه انهم سينتهون من الفصائل ثم يغادر شارون وقواته إلى معسكراتهم داخل إسرائيل، لكن ذلك لم يحدث حينها، ولن يحدث مستقبلاً في أي تجربة مشابهة.
ليس ذلك فقط ما حصل في لبنان فقد أفرزت الأزمة المستمرة منذ العام 1974 إلى خروج أنطوان لحد من تحت رداء الأقليات ليكتب قصته وقصة مليشياته، التي انخرطت للدفاع عن إسرائيل، وليدير القرى المحتلة نيابة عن الجيش الإسرائيلي.
تجربة سعد حداد وأنطوان لحد؛ ربما تتخلق اليوم في رحم الأزمة الدرزية، مع التذكير أن أنطوان لحد انتهى منبوذاً حتى داخل إسرائيل التي فر إليها بعد انهيار مليشياته، ولم يجد طريقة للعيش سوى بافتتاح مطعم متواضع يسد حاجاته، ولعل الجميع يتذكر كيف كانت نهايته غريباً مريضاً طريداً بلا وطن ولا منفى، بالرغم من كل الخدمات التي قدمها لجيش إسرائيل.
اليوم يرحّب بعض الدروز في سوريا بالهجمات الإسرائيلية ضد دمشق، ويطالب بعض قيادتهم بالتدخل المباشر للقوات الإسرائيلية، السؤال الملح الآن: هل يرتكب دروز سوريا نفس الخطأ الذي ارتكبه شيعة الجنوب اللبناني؟ وهل هناك من سيقوم بدور أنطوان لحد؟ فالإسرائيلي لا يتدخل لخدمة مصالح الآخرين، بل لخدمة مصالحه فقط، وإذا كان التواجد في القرى الدرزية يخدمه فلن يغادر قبل سنوات قادمة، سنوات ستكون صعبة على الجميع.
لقد كانت خيارات الدروز خلال العقود الماضية تحرير أراضيهم في الجولان الأعلى من إسرائيل، واليوم يستدعيه البعض لأراضٍ لم يكن قد احتلها سابقاً، فهل سيأتي اليوم الذي نرى فيه المستوطنات الإسرائيلية وقد بنيت مكان القرى الدرزية، سؤال برسم الألم وبرسم «العقل والحكمة»، التي يتوقع الجميع أن تفرض نفسها على أي دعوات أخرى ربما تدّمر سوريا والشرق كله.
محمد الساعد
من يعيد التاريخ.. هل نرى أنطوان لحد آخر في الجولان؟!
24 يوليو 2025 - 00:04
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آخر تحديث 24 يوليو 2025 - 00:04
تابع قناة عكاظ على الواتساب
On June 3, 1982, three men, later known as (Hussein Ghassan Saeed, Marwan Al-Banna, and Nawaf Al-Rousan), approached the Israeli ambassador in the British capital, London, "Shlomo Argov," as he was entering his car after attending a banquet at the Dorchester Hotel on Park Lane. "Hussein Ghassan Saeed" shot Ambassador Argov in the head. Shlomo Argov was not killed, but he opened the door to wars and tragedies that continue to this day.
What happened in 1982 is still being repeated in the Middle East with the same logic, and the price is still being paid today, with different people but consistent results.
This incident led Israel to invade Lebanon, enabling it to occupy the country for two decades, resulting in bloody massacres, the most famous of which were Sabra and Shatila. The Palestinian factions were expelled from Lebanon, the last point of contact with Israel, leading to a sharp division in Lebanese society, the effects of which are still felt today.
One of the Palestinian factions residing in Lebanon made a unilateral decision to plan and execute the assassination attempt, which prompted Israel to use it as a pretext to invade Lebanon, led by then-Defense Minister Ariel Sharon, causing everyone to pay the price.
Interestingly, the local Shia community in southern Lebanon was the first to welcome the Israeli soldiers and tanks with flowers, scattering rice on them. A part of the Lebanese component, especially some (Shia and Christians), saw the armed Palestinian presence as an imminent threat to them, and the warm welcome was a conviction that "Sharon" and his army would liberate them from the Palestinian factions.
Those ululations, rice, and flowers turned into a burden for them, and a harsh Israeli occupation ensued. Sharon's army was primarily concerned with responding to what the Palestinian faction did in London and breaking the power of the remaining factions, securing its northern borders through the occupation of southern Lebanon.
This was not a stroll as some Shia and Christians in Lebanon thought; rather, the presence under the shade of the rice and flowers that were scattered turned into an occupation that lasted for more than two decades. Everyone who welcomed Sharon and his army believed they would eliminate the factions and then Sharon and his forces would return to their camps inside Israel, but that did not happen then, nor will it happen in any similar future experience.
What happened in Lebanon was not limited to that; the ongoing crisis since 1974 led to Antoine Lahad emerging from the cloak of minorities to write his story and the story of his militias, which engaged in defending Israel, managing the occupied villages on behalf of the Israeli army.
The experiences of Saad Haddad and Antoine Lahad may be taking shape today in the womb of the Druze crisis, reminding us that Antoine Lahad ended up being rejected even within Israel, where he fled after the collapse of his militias, finding no way to live except by opening a modest restaurant to meet his needs. Perhaps everyone remembers how his end came as a strange, sick, hunted man without a homeland or exile, despite all the services he provided to the Israeli army.
Today, some Druze in Syria welcome Israeli attacks against Damascus, and some of their leaders are calling for direct intervention by Israeli forces. The pressing question now is: Are the Druze of Syria making the same mistake that the Shia of southern Lebanon made? And is there someone who will play the role of Antoine Lahad? The Israeli does not intervene to serve the interests of others but only to serve his own interests. If the presence in the Druze villages serves him, he will not leave before many years to come, years that will be difficult for everyone.
For decades, the options for the Druze have been to liberate their lands in the Golan Heights from Israel, and today some are calling for lands that had not been occupied before. Will there come a day when we see Israeli settlements built in place of the Druze villages? This is a question marked by pain and by "reason and wisdom," which everyone expects to impose itself on any other calls that may destroy Syria and the entire East.
What happened in 1982 is still being repeated in the Middle East with the same logic, and the price is still being paid today, with different people but consistent results.
This incident led Israel to invade Lebanon, enabling it to occupy the country for two decades, resulting in bloody massacres, the most famous of which were Sabra and Shatila. The Palestinian factions were expelled from Lebanon, the last point of contact with Israel, leading to a sharp division in Lebanese society, the effects of which are still felt today.
One of the Palestinian factions residing in Lebanon made a unilateral decision to plan and execute the assassination attempt, which prompted Israel to use it as a pretext to invade Lebanon, led by then-Defense Minister Ariel Sharon, causing everyone to pay the price.
Interestingly, the local Shia community in southern Lebanon was the first to welcome the Israeli soldiers and tanks with flowers, scattering rice on them. A part of the Lebanese component, especially some (Shia and Christians), saw the armed Palestinian presence as an imminent threat to them, and the warm welcome was a conviction that "Sharon" and his army would liberate them from the Palestinian factions.
Those ululations, rice, and flowers turned into a burden for them, and a harsh Israeli occupation ensued. Sharon's army was primarily concerned with responding to what the Palestinian faction did in London and breaking the power of the remaining factions, securing its northern borders through the occupation of southern Lebanon.
This was not a stroll as some Shia and Christians in Lebanon thought; rather, the presence under the shade of the rice and flowers that were scattered turned into an occupation that lasted for more than two decades. Everyone who welcomed Sharon and his army believed they would eliminate the factions and then Sharon and his forces would return to their camps inside Israel, but that did not happen then, nor will it happen in any similar future experience.
What happened in Lebanon was not limited to that; the ongoing crisis since 1974 led to Antoine Lahad emerging from the cloak of minorities to write his story and the story of his militias, which engaged in defending Israel, managing the occupied villages on behalf of the Israeli army.
The experiences of Saad Haddad and Antoine Lahad may be taking shape today in the womb of the Druze crisis, reminding us that Antoine Lahad ended up being rejected even within Israel, where he fled after the collapse of his militias, finding no way to live except by opening a modest restaurant to meet his needs. Perhaps everyone remembers how his end came as a strange, sick, hunted man without a homeland or exile, despite all the services he provided to the Israeli army.
Today, some Druze in Syria welcome Israeli attacks against Damascus, and some of their leaders are calling for direct intervention by Israeli forces. The pressing question now is: Are the Druze of Syria making the same mistake that the Shia of southern Lebanon made? And is there someone who will play the role of Antoine Lahad? The Israeli does not intervene to serve the interests of others but only to serve his own interests. If the presence in the Druze villages serves him, he will not leave before many years to come, years that will be difficult for everyone.
For decades, the options for the Druze have been to liberate their lands in the Golan Heights from Israel, and today some are calling for lands that had not been occupied before. Will there come a day when we see Israeli settlements built in place of the Druze villages? This is a question marked by pain and by "reason and wisdom," which everyone expects to impose itself on any other calls that may destroy Syria and the entire East.


