الموقف السعودي لتحقيق السلام العادل والدائم للصراع الفلسطيني الإسرائيلي -حتى قبل أحداث غزة في السابع من أكتوبر 2023- هو إقامة الدولة الفلسطينية على حدود عام 1967م، وإنهاء الاحتلال، ورفض سياسات الاستيطان، أو ضم الأراضي، أو التهجير، والمطالبة برفع المعاناة الإنسانية عن الشعب الفلسطيني، وهذا الموقف لا يزال إلى اليوم ثابتاً في بند السياسة السعودية في التعامل مع الصراع، وخطاباً رسمياً في التعبير عن تداعياته، وجهوداً دبلوماسية متواصلة مع الأشقاء والحلفاء لتحقيقه.
اليوم مع إعلان الرئيس ترمب بنود خطته في غزة المكونة من 21 بنداً؛ يتضح أن مبدأ إقامة الدولة الفلسطينية لا يزال قائماً، لكنه مرهون بعاملين اثنين في هذه المرحلة الحسّاسة جداً من إدارة الصراع: وهما استكمال برنامج إصلاح السلطة الفلسطينية، والتقدّم في إعمار قطاع غزة، وكلا العاملين يحكمهما المزيد من الوقت، ولذا كانت الحاجة ملحة إلى أن تتولى حكومة انتقالية من التكنوقراط الفلسطينية إدارة قطاع غزة، وهيئة دولية تنشئها أمريكا بالتشاور مع شركاء عرب وأوروبيين للإشراف على هذه الهيئة.
التحدي اليوم في جانبين هما؛ أولاً: آليات التمسك بإقامة الدولة الفلسطينية مع وجود هذه الخطة، وذلك كمخرج وحيد لإنهاء الصراع والفوضى في المنطقة، والثاني: أن تكون إقامة الدولة الفلسطينية شرطاً لإقامة علاقات دبلوماسية مع إسرائيل، وبالتالي تبقى خطة ترمب انتقالية لمرحلة أخرى أهم في إنهاء الصراع، كما تُعد فرصة لإسرائيل أن تعيد حساباتها للعيش بسلام وأمن واستقرار مع جيرانها.
الحديث عن مطاطية بنود الخطة، وآليات تنفيذها على الواقع، وعدم وجود جدول زمني محدد للانسحاب الإسرائيلي من غزة مع وجود هيئة «مجلس السلام»، كذلك الحديث عن هوية من سيحكم قطاع غزة، ومدة المرحلة الانتقالية لهذا الحكم، وتمويل إعمار القطاع؛ كل ذلك ليس بأهم من التمسك بإقامة الدولة الفلسطينية، وهو الحل العادل والشامل لإنهاء الصراع.
المنطقة مقبلة على مرحلة شديدة الحساسية في التعامل مع خروج حماس من المشهد السياسي الفلسطيني، والانسحاب الإسرائيلي من غزة دون احتلال أو تهجير لأهلها، وهو ما جعل خطة ترمب تنص صراحةً على أهمية إنشاء حوار ديني مشترك يقوم على قيم التسامح والتعايش السلمي؛ لتغيير العقليات والسرديات بين الفلسطينيين والإسرائيليين عبر إبراز فوائد السلام.
هذا الدور مهم جداً في التمهيد لمرحلة جديدة من السلام المنتظر بين الفلسطينيين والإسرائيليين، والسلام أيضاً للمنطقة وشعوبها؛ لأن الحروب على مدى العقود الماضية فوتت الكثير من فرص السلام، وكان الثمن غالياً جداً، والنتيجة نعود مجدداً للتعايش والتسامح الذي هو الأساس المشترك للعيش بسلام.
تابع قناة عكاظ على الواتساب
The Saudi position for achieving a just and lasting peace in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict - even before the events in Gaza on October 7, 2023 - is the establishment of a Palestinian state based on the 1967 borders, the end of occupation, the rejection of settlement policies, annexation of lands, or displacement, and the demand to alleviate the humanitarian suffering of the Palestinian people. This position remains steadfast today in the Saudi policy regarding the conflict, as an official discourse expressing its ramifications, and continuous diplomatic efforts with brothers and allies to achieve it.
Today, with President Trump's announcement of the 21-point plan for Gaza, it is clear that the principle of establishing a Palestinian state is still valid, but it is contingent upon two factors at this very sensitive stage of managing the conflict: the completion of the Palestinian Authority's reform program and progress in the reconstruction of the Gaza Strip. Both factors are governed by the need for more time, hence the urgent need for a transitional government of Palestinian technocrats to manage the Gaza Strip, along with an international body established by the U.S. in consultation with Arab and European partners to oversee this body.
The challenge today lies in two aspects: First, the mechanisms to uphold the establishment of a Palestinian state in light of this plan, as the only exit to end the conflict and chaos in the region. Second, the establishment of a Palestinian state should be a condition for establishing diplomatic relations with Israel, thus keeping Trump's plan transitional for another more significant phase in ending the conflict, while also providing an opportunity for Israel to reassess its calculations for living in peace, security, and stability with its neighbors.
The discussion about the flexibility of the plan's provisions, the mechanisms for its implementation in reality, and the lack of a specific timeline for the Israeli withdrawal from Gaza with the existence of the "Peace Council," as well as the identity of those who will govern the Gaza Strip, the duration of the transitional phase of this governance, and the funding for the reconstruction of the sector; all of this is not more important than adhering to the establishment of a Palestinian state, which is the just and comprehensive solution to end the conflict.
The region is heading towards a very sensitive phase in dealing with Hamas's exit from the Palestinian political scene and the Israeli withdrawal from Gaza without occupation or displacement of its people. This has led Trump's plan to explicitly state the importance of establishing a common religious dialogue based on values of tolerance and peaceful coexistence; to change mindsets and narratives between Palestinians and Israelis by highlighting the benefits of peace.
This role is very important in paving the way for a new phase of the anticipated peace between Palestinians and Israelis, and peace also for the region and its peoples; because the wars over the past decades have missed many opportunities for peace, and the price has been very high, resulting in a return to coexistence and tolerance, which is the common foundation for living in peace.
Today, with President Trump's announcement of the 21-point plan for Gaza, it is clear that the principle of establishing a Palestinian state is still valid, but it is contingent upon two factors at this very sensitive stage of managing the conflict: the completion of the Palestinian Authority's reform program and progress in the reconstruction of the Gaza Strip. Both factors are governed by the need for more time, hence the urgent need for a transitional government of Palestinian technocrats to manage the Gaza Strip, along with an international body established by the U.S. in consultation with Arab and European partners to oversee this body.
The challenge today lies in two aspects: First, the mechanisms to uphold the establishment of a Palestinian state in light of this plan, as the only exit to end the conflict and chaos in the region. Second, the establishment of a Palestinian state should be a condition for establishing diplomatic relations with Israel, thus keeping Trump's plan transitional for another more significant phase in ending the conflict, while also providing an opportunity for Israel to reassess its calculations for living in peace, security, and stability with its neighbors.
The discussion about the flexibility of the plan's provisions, the mechanisms for its implementation in reality, and the lack of a specific timeline for the Israeli withdrawal from Gaza with the existence of the "Peace Council," as well as the identity of those who will govern the Gaza Strip, the duration of the transitional phase of this governance, and the funding for the reconstruction of the sector; all of this is not more important than adhering to the establishment of a Palestinian state, which is the just and comprehensive solution to end the conflict.
The region is heading towards a very sensitive phase in dealing with Hamas's exit from the Palestinian political scene and the Israeli withdrawal from Gaza without occupation or displacement of its people. This has led Trump's plan to explicitly state the importance of establishing a common religious dialogue based on values of tolerance and peaceful coexistence; to change mindsets and narratives between Palestinians and Israelis by highlighting the benefits of peace.
This role is very important in paving the way for a new phase of the anticipated peace between Palestinians and Israelis, and peace also for the region and its peoples; because the wars over the past decades have missed many opportunities for peace, and the price has been very high, resulting in a return to coexistence and tolerance, which is the common foundation for living in peace.


