أيهما أطول عمراً وأكثر استقراراً وأسرع تحولاً: الديمقراطية أم الفاشية؟ تاريخاً: من السهل التحوّل من الديمقراطية إلى الفاشية.. ويصعب التحوّل من الفاشية إلى الديمقراطية. كما يسهل الانقلاب على الديمقراطية، ويصعب التحوّل إلى الديمقراطية. وفي كل الأحوال: المتغيّر الأساس هنا عنصر القوة، لا فقط من حيث امتلاكها، بل الإرادة (الماضية) في استخدامها. الديمقراطية، عموماً، تكاد تخلو من عنصر القوة (المادية) القاهرة، وبالتالي: يصعب التحوّل إليها، والأخطر فرض إرادتها. بينما الفاشية، يسهل التحوّل إليها.. ويصعب التخلص منها، وذلك لأن الفاشية تمتلك القوة (المادية) القاهرة، وكذا الإرادة في استخدامها، سواءً في الوثوب على السلطة، أو البقاء فيها.
لنأخذ، على المستوى الكوني، وإحداث تغيرات حاسمة على شكل وقيم ومؤسسات النظام الدولي، في إطار التحوّلات في هيكل النظام الدولي، قيمياً ومؤسساتياً، من نظام دولي لآخر. الحرب الكونية الثانية، على سبيل المثال: ينظر إليها البعض، من حيث أسبابها ونتائجها، أنها حربٌ بين الديمقراطية والفاشية، حصدت في أتونها أكثر من ستين مليون إنسان.. وكان يُنظر إليها، من حيث اللجوء إلى القوة القاهرة لحسمها خمس سنوات من عمر التاريخ الإنساني، ليتحقق انتصار الديمقراطية باهظ الثمن، حتى للمنتصرين فيها. صحيح أن الحلفاء انتصروا في تلك الحرب، لكن دولٌ عظمى، دخلت الحرب ولم تخرج منها بالوضعية التي كانت فيها قبل الحرب.
بينما لم يحتج هتلر سوى مناورات سياسية قصيرة، مع جرعات مكثفة من استعراضات إرهاب القوة المنظم في الشارع، ليصل إلى السلطة، ليحدث انقلاباً على الديمقراطية، انتهاءً بحرق البرلمان، الذي أتى به للسلطة، واعتقال رموز المعارضة وفرض إجراءات صارمة وحاسمة لسيطرة حزبه النازي على مقادير البلاد، بل والعالم، بأسره.
الفاشية تُقدّر أيما تقدير عنصر القوة الحاسم، مع توفر الإرادة الماضية لاستخدامها. بينما الديمقراطية تتطور ببطء متكاسل وبجهد يقترب من الرومانسية منه للواقعية، بشعارات تكاد تكون جوفاء، لدرجة إهمال متغيّر القوة في مرحلة إقامة الدولة، والمضي في وهم دوام استقرار ومتانة قواعد النظام الديمقراطي. بعبارة أخرى: النظام الديمقراطي يخلو تماماً من المخالب والأنياب، التي تضمن استمراره. الفاشية، في المقابل: تؤمن إيماناً راسخاً بعنصر القوة (المادية)، وهي متمترسة، بكل عزمٍ ومضاء وراء متغيّر القوة هذا، بقناعة مفرطة للاستزادة من موارد وإمكانات القوة، ليس فقط في مرحلة بدايات الوصول إلى السلطة، بل في كل مراحل البقاء فيها والتمترس داخل قلاعها المنيعة.
استراتيجية الفاشية في استخدام القوة للوصول للسلطة، ولو- بالعنف- والاحتفاظ بها، لا تتوفر في النهج الديمقراطي في الحكم. الفاشية، في مرحلة الاستيلاء على السلطة، قد تلجأ لـ «تكتيك» ارتقاء «سلم» الديمقراطية، وعندما تصل إلى السلطة، ترفع «السلم»، حتى لا يستخدمه أحدٌ بعدها، بما فيه رموز النظام الأتوقراطي القائم. بينما الديمقراطية، من ناحية أخرى: تُبقي ذلك «السلم»، ربما تستخدمه أطياف الديمقراطية المتعددة، في محاولة تبدو يائسة، للإيحاء بأن شرعية النظام الديمقراطي تعتمد على إرادة عامة أبدية، نجحت في إيجاد نظام سياسي، وجد حلاً (سلمياً) لحركة الصراع العنيف (الدموي) على السلطة، عن طريق تطوير آلية (سلمية) لتداول السلطة، تعتمد على التعددية السياسية، لا على عناصر عدم الاستقرار، له خلفيته الأيديولوجية المتزمتة، في كثير من الأحايين، التي لم تستبعد بعد متغير التحوّل (العنيف)، للحفاظ على الامتيازات الطائفية والعرقية والمذهبية والطبقية، المتجذرة في المجتمع، مع عدم التسامح، تجاه كل من يتحدى امتيازاتها ونصيبه الأوفر في موارد النظام السياسي القائم العصي عن التحوّل والتغيير.
مع الوقت، قد لا يبقى من نماذج النظام الديمقراطية سوى التجربة الديمقراطية البريطانية العريقة، مع جيوب متفرقة في دول شمال أوروبا المستقرة والغنية. وتبقى الديمقراطية البريطانية العريقة، التي أتت بمواطن بريطاني، من أصول هندية (هندوسية)، ليصبح رئيساً لوزراء بريطانيا، ولو لفترة قصيرة. هذا التطوّر المتماسك المتطرف في تسامحه وإيمانه بالخيار الديمقراطي، قد يكون سبباً، مع الوقت، في انهيار التجربة الديمقراطية العريقة، في بريطانيا العظمى.
وإن كان التاريخ، مع التحوّل الديمقراطي، إلا أن مسيرة حركة التاريخ، أمامها طريق وعر، مرصوف بالعنف وعدم الاستقرار والحروب حتى تستوعب الإنسانية فضيلة السلام والاستقرار والأمن، الذي قد يأتي به الحل الديمقراطي.
طلال صالح بنان
من الفاشية للديمقراطية.. وبالعكس!
23 سبتمبر 2025 - 00:36
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آخر تحديث 23 سبتمبر 2025 - 00:36
تابع قناة عكاظ على الواتساب
Which is longer-lasting, more stable, and faster to transform: democracy or fascism? Historically, it is easier to transition from democracy to fascism, while it is difficult to shift from fascism to democracy. Similarly, it is easy to overthrow democracy, but hard to transition to democracy. In all cases, the fundamental variable here is the element of power, not only in terms of possessing it but also the (past) will to use it. Democracy, in general, is almost devoid of the element of oppressive (material) power, and thus: it is difficult to transition to it, and even more dangerous to impose its will. On the other hand, fascism is easy to transition to and difficult to rid oneself of, because fascism possesses oppressive (material) power, as well as the will to use it, whether in seizing power or remaining in it.
Let us consider, on a global level, making decisive changes to the form, values, and institutions of the international system, within the framework of transformations in the structure of the international system, both in terms of values and institutions, from one international system to another. The Second World War, for example, is viewed by some, in terms of its causes and consequences, as a war between democracy and fascism, claiming the lives of more than sixty million people. It was seen, in terms of resorting to oppressive power to resolve it, as five years in the history of humanity, culminating in the costly victory of democracy, even for the victors. It is true that the Allies won that war, but great powers entered the war and did not emerge from it in the same condition they were in before the war.
While Hitler needed only brief political maneuvers, along with intense displays of organized street terror, to rise to power, leading to a coup against democracy, culminating in the burning of the parliament that brought him to power, the arrest of opposition figures, and the imposition of strict and decisive measures for his Nazi party to control the fate of the country, and indeed the world.
Fascism highly values the decisive element of power, with the availability of the past will to use it. In contrast, democracy develops slowly and lazily, with efforts that lean more towards romanticism than realism, with slogans that are almost hollow, to the extent of neglecting the variable of power in the stage of state establishment, and proceeding in the illusion of the continuity of stability and the strength of democratic system foundations. In other words: the democratic system is completely devoid of claws and fangs that ensure its continuity. Fascism, on the other hand, firmly believes in the element of (material) power, and is resolutely entrenched behind this variable of power, with an excessive conviction to increase its resources and capabilities, not only in the initial stages of reaching power but at all stages of remaining in it and fortifying itself within its strongholds.
The fascist strategy of using power to attain and retain authority, even through violence, is not available in the democratic approach to governance. Fascism, in the phase of seizing power, may resort to a "tactic" of climbing the "ladder" of democracy, and when it reaches power, it raises the "ladder" so that no one can use it afterward, including the symbols of the existing autocratic regime. Meanwhile, democracy, on the other hand, keeps that "ladder," perhaps allowing various shades of democracy to use it in what appears to be a desperate attempt to suggest that the legitimacy of the democratic system relies on an eternal general will, which has succeeded in creating a political system that found a (peaceful) solution to the violent (bloody) struggle for power, through developing a (peaceful) mechanism for the transfer of power, based on political pluralism, not on elements of instability, which often have an ideological background that does not exclude the variable of (violent) transformation, to preserve sectarian, ethnic, denominational, and class privileges deeply rooted in society, with intolerance towards anyone who challenges its privileges and its larger share of the resources of the existing political system that is resistant to transformation and change.
Over time, there may be no remaining models of democratic systems except for the long-standing British democratic experience, with scattered pockets in stable and wealthy Northern European countries. The long-standing British democracy remains, which brought a British citizen of Indian (Hindu) descent to become the Prime Minister of Britain, albeit for a short period. This extreme and cohesive development in its tolerance and belief in the democratic choice may, over time, be a reason for the collapse of the long-standing democratic experiment in Great Britain.
And while history is marked by democratic transformation, the course of historical movement has a rough road, paved with violence, instability, and wars until humanity absorbs the virtue of peace, stability, and security that may come with the democratic solution.
Let us consider, on a global level, making decisive changes to the form, values, and institutions of the international system, within the framework of transformations in the structure of the international system, both in terms of values and institutions, from one international system to another. The Second World War, for example, is viewed by some, in terms of its causes and consequences, as a war between democracy and fascism, claiming the lives of more than sixty million people. It was seen, in terms of resorting to oppressive power to resolve it, as five years in the history of humanity, culminating in the costly victory of democracy, even for the victors. It is true that the Allies won that war, but great powers entered the war and did not emerge from it in the same condition they were in before the war.
While Hitler needed only brief political maneuvers, along with intense displays of organized street terror, to rise to power, leading to a coup against democracy, culminating in the burning of the parliament that brought him to power, the arrest of opposition figures, and the imposition of strict and decisive measures for his Nazi party to control the fate of the country, and indeed the world.
Fascism highly values the decisive element of power, with the availability of the past will to use it. In contrast, democracy develops slowly and lazily, with efforts that lean more towards romanticism than realism, with slogans that are almost hollow, to the extent of neglecting the variable of power in the stage of state establishment, and proceeding in the illusion of the continuity of stability and the strength of democratic system foundations. In other words: the democratic system is completely devoid of claws and fangs that ensure its continuity. Fascism, on the other hand, firmly believes in the element of (material) power, and is resolutely entrenched behind this variable of power, with an excessive conviction to increase its resources and capabilities, not only in the initial stages of reaching power but at all stages of remaining in it and fortifying itself within its strongholds.
The fascist strategy of using power to attain and retain authority, even through violence, is not available in the democratic approach to governance. Fascism, in the phase of seizing power, may resort to a "tactic" of climbing the "ladder" of democracy, and when it reaches power, it raises the "ladder" so that no one can use it afterward, including the symbols of the existing autocratic regime. Meanwhile, democracy, on the other hand, keeps that "ladder," perhaps allowing various shades of democracy to use it in what appears to be a desperate attempt to suggest that the legitimacy of the democratic system relies on an eternal general will, which has succeeded in creating a political system that found a (peaceful) solution to the violent (bloody) struggle for power, through developing a (peaceful) mechanism for the transfer of power, based on political pluralism, not on elements of instability, which often have an ideological background that does not exclude the variable of (violent) transformation, to preserve sectarian, ethnic, denominational, and class privileges deeply rooted in society, with intolerance towards anyone who challenges its privileges and its larger share of the resources of the existing political system that is resistant to transformation and change.
Over time, there may be no remaining models of democratic systems except for the long-standing British democratic experience, with scattered pockets in stable and wealthy Northern European countries. The long-standing British democracy remains, which brought a British citizen of Indian (Hindu) descent to become the Prime Minister of Britain, albeit for a short period. This extreme and cohesive development in its tolerance and belief in the democratic choice may, over time, be a reason for the collapse of the long-standing democratic experiment in Great Britain.
And while history is marked by democratic transformation, the course of historical movement has a rough road, paved with violence, instability, and wars until humanity absorbs the virtue of peace, stability, and security that may come with the democratic solution.


